Mr. President,
During the high-level segment of this year's CD, UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres said, “The nuclear risk ishigher than any moment since the end of the Cold War.”
At present, the international security landscape is going through profound shifts. Geopolitical conflicts are on the rise; the Cold War mentality is making a comeback, as evidenced by more military alliances, bloc confrontation and zero-sum games; the global strategic balance and stability have suffered severe impact, and the risks of nuclear arms race and nuclear conflict have gone up significantly. It is noteworthy that when a nuclear-weapon state is in confrontation with a military bloc that comprises nuclear-weapon states, uncertainties often abound, and there is a real risk of the confrontation escalating into a nuclear conflict.
Within such context, it is indeed necessary for the CD to advance substantive work on prevention of nuclear war. China would like to share several thoughts regarding mitigation of nuclear risk and principles for the prevention of nuclear warfare.
First, uphold common security and work to reduce strategic risk. Chinese President Xi Jinping pointed out on multiple occasions that nuclear weapons must never be used and anuclear war never be fought, and that the international community needs to jointly oppose the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. In January 2022, leaders of the five Nuclear-Weapon States issued a joint statement on preventing nuclear war and avoiding arms races, affirming that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought, and stressing the necessity to avoid a war between Nuclear-Weapon States. China supports continued dialogue among the five Nuclear-Weapon States on this basis and further discussions regarding feasible measures to reduce strategic risks. In February 2023, China issued the Concept Paper for the Global Security Initiative, reaffirming the importance of these common understandings.
Under current circumstances, the international community must stay committed to the vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security, abide by the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, accommodate the reasonable security concerns of all countries, and act on the principles of upholding global strategic stability and“undiminished security for all”. While advancing nuclear disarmament in a gradual manner, discussions of nuclear risk-reduction measures are also needed. These measures include ceasing the development and deployment of global missile defense systems, withdrawing missile and missile defense systems deployed overseas, ending deployment of new weapon systems overseas that undermine strategic stability, refraining from the so-called “extended deterrence", or replicatingthe“nuclear-sharing” arrangement in theAsia-Pacific, not placing weapons in outer space, not using orthreatening to use force against outer space objectives, and supporting the CD in negotiating a legally-binding instrument on outer space arms control.
Second, reduce the role of nuclear weapons in national security policies. In response to the Secretary General's appeal, the five Nuclear-Weapon States should commit themselves to no-first-use of nuclear weapons, abandon the nuclear deterrence policy of first-use, support the conclusion of a treaty of no-first-use of nuclear weapons or issue relevant political statements, and support the CD in negotiating, at an early date, a legal instrument providing negative security assurances to non-nuclear-weapon states. Non nuclear-weapon states participating in nuclear-sharing or “extended deterrence” arrangements should also take steps to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in their national security policies or collective security policies.
In the meantime, the international community needs to scale up efforts to establish nuclear-weapon-free zones, including building a Middle East Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons and other Weapons of Mass Destruction (MENWFZ). Countries concerned need to ratify treaty protocols for relevant nuclear free zones at an early date. China firmly supports ASEAN efforts toward building a nuclear-weapon-free zone, and is ready to be the first to sign the Protocol to the Treaty on the Southeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free zone.
Third, prioritize prevention over management of crises. To reduce nuclear risk and prevent nuclear war, the first order of business must always be crisis prevention, and the fundamental approach lies in eliminating the root cause of crises. China stands for an equal and orderly multi-polar world, where differences and disputes are resolved through dialogue and consultation in a peaceful manner and strategic communication and security mutual trust are enhanced, so that conflicts can be settled and differences managed, and the root cause of crises can be eliminated. The international community needs to support political and diplomatic settlement of regional hotspot issues, make common efforts to defuse the situation, and prevent the crises from escalating and spilling over. It needs to be stressed that certain countries must refrain from the hypocrisy of stoking up confrontation while calling for reduced nuclear risks and building so-called “guardrails" for crises management.
Mr. President,
China all along follows a national defense policy that is defensive in nature, and keeps its nuclear capabilities at the minimum level required to maintain national security. China did not attain nuclear weapons to seek hegemony, but to prevent nuclear warfare from happening. Since day one of possessing nuclear weapons, China has been an active advocate of ultimate complete prohibition, and thorough destruction, of nuclear weapons. It also made publicly the commitment of no-first-use of nuclear weapons, and not using, or threatening to use, nuclear weapons against a non-nuclear-weapon state or a nuclear weapon free zone. If all other nuclear-weapon states could make such commitments, the world would be a much safer place.
Regarding FMCT, China has elucidated its position on multipleoccasions. China believes that the CD is the only appropriate forum for negotiating the FMCT. China supports the CD in formulating a comprehensive and balanced Programme of Work, and start FMCT negotiations that is participated by all relevant sides according to the mandate of the Shannon Report.
Some of the colleagues mentioned the so-called “moratorium on the production of fissile materials”, the distinguished colleague of the United States also asked several question in terms of “moratorium”. China believes that such a “moratorium” has neither clear definition nor scope, cannot be verified, and therefore is hardly meaningful. Certain nuclear-weapon states can transfer fissile materials for use in nuclear weapons without restriction, and two nuclear-weapon states that committed themselves to “moratorium” engaged in nuclear submarine cooperation with a non-nuclear-weapon state involving transfer of tons of weapon-grade fissile materials. These activities shed light on the hypocrisy of the “moratorium”.
Mr. President,
In previous discussions, some countries made references toChina's nuclear policy out of different motives. China firmly rejects all accusations that intentionally distorts our nuclear strategy and nuclear policy. It needs to be pointed out that a certain country, fixated on Cold War mentality, major country competition and power politics, keeps building military alliances and stoking up bloc confrontation, adheres to first-use of nuclear weapons in order to maintain absolute strategic advantage, and keeps stepping up the role of nuclear weapons in its national security scheme, tailor-makes its nuclear strategy to target other countries and strengthen the so-called “extended deterrence".
These actions caused the global strategic security environment to become worse-off, and heightened the risks of nuclear arms race and conflicts. China urges relevant country to reflect on itself, do away with Cold War mentality, and do more to contribute to peace and stability.
Thank you, Mr. President.
