Remarks on Nuclear Disarmament by Sun Xiaobo, Director-General of the Department of Arms Control of the Foreign Ministry of China, at the Second Session of the Preparatory Committee for the 2026 NPT Review Conference
2024-07-26 15:13

(Geneva, July 2024)


Mr. Chair,

The complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons and the ultimate building of a world free of nuclear weapons serve the common interests of humanity and is China's consistent position. Currently, the global strategic balance and stability is met with severe challenges. The international nuclear disarmament process is under intense strain and the risks of nuclear arms race and nuclear conflict are on the rise. The international community shall promote nuclear disarmament process in a rational and pragmatic manner and maintain and strengthen the international nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament regime with the NPT as its cornerstone. 

First, we need to prevent the imbalance in global strategic stability from worsening. Over the past 20 years, as the country with the largest nulear arsenal and the strongest conventional forces, the United States, in pursuit of absolute strategic advantage, has successively withdrawn from important arms control treaties, such as the ABM and the INF Treaty, developed its military capabilities without restriction, hyped up the narrative of major power competition, deployed strategic forces including nuclear weapons, global missile defense systems and land-based intermediate-range missiles near the borders of other countries, continuously strengthened so-called “nuclear-based” alliance, and was intent on buidling new military blocs. These steps have severely undermined global strategic stability, harmed the legitimate security interests of other countries and created significant obstacles to the international nuclear disarmament process. The international community needs to guard against the dangerous trend of withdrawing from treaties and agreements, and oppose the erroneous practice of increasing the role of nuclear weapons. Efforts should be made to urge the United States to lower its nuclear alert status and refrain from tailoring deterrence policies for others, stop developing and deploying missile defense systems globally, stop deploying land-based intermediate-range missiles abroad, abandon “nuclear sharing” and “extended deterrence” arrangements, and withdraw nuclear weapons deployed overseas. It should be emphasized that non-nuclear-weapon States under the nuclear umbrella should also reduce the role of nuclear weapons in collective security policies, refrain from creating confrontation among nuclear-weapon States, and still less criticize the nuclear policies of nuclear-weapon States.

Second, nuclear disarmament should be pursued in a rational and pragmatic manner. Nuclear-weapon States have the obligation to work to fulfill their commitments under Article VI. Yet it must be fully recognized that the nuclear-weapon States vary significantly in terms of their nuclear policies, the size of nuclear arsenals and the security environment they face. Countries should adhere to the existing consensus that “the two countries with the largest nuclear arsenals have special and primary responsibility for nuclear disarmament”, and advance the nuclear disarmament process in a rational and practical way. In this regard, the two countries with the largest nuclear arsenals should fulfill their special and primary responsibility for nuclear disarmament and further reduce their nuclear weapon inventories significantly and substantively in a verifiable, irreversible and legally-binding manner, with a view to creating conditions for other countries to engage in the nuclear disarmament process.

Third, effective measures must be adopted to reduce strategic risks. At present, the greatest strategic risk comes from some nuclear-weapon States’ policies which are based on the principle of first use. China reiterates that the nuclear-weapon States should abandon the nuclear policies based on the principle of first-use, support negotiations to conclude a treaty on the mutual no-first-use of nuclear weapons or issue political statements in this regard, and support early negotiations on an legal instrument to provide negative security assurances to non-nuclear-weapon States at the Conference on Disarmament. All nuclear-weapon States should support the establishment of a Middle East Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction, and sign and ratify the protocols to the relevant treaties on nuclear weapon free zones at an early date, including the Treaty on the South East Asia nuclear weapon free zone.

Fourth, the issue of transparency should be viewed in an objective and rational manner. Nuclear transparency is a systematic and complex concept, and there is no universal template. There are differences in the scale of nuclear forces, nuclear doctrines and security environments of nuclear-weapon States. As such, different priorities of countries’ nuclear transparency policies shall be accepted. More importantly, transparency serves as a means, not an end, and cannot replace nuclear disarmament. In the current setting, transparency in policy is more meaningful than transparency in capability. Some nuclear-weapon States boast transparency regarding the quantity of nuclear weapons while comprehensively upgrading triad nuclear weapon forces, stubbornly adhering to first-use policy and keeps enhancing the role of nuclear weapons in their national security policies. Transparency of this type is essentially a threat and will not make other countries feel secure.

Mr. Chair,

China is committed to peaceful development, takes a highly responsible attitude towards nuclear disarmament, and pursues a self-defensive nuclear strategy. China is committed to no-first-use of nuclear weapons at any time and under any circumstances, and undertakes not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States or nuclear-weapon-free zones unconditionally. China has maintained its nuclear forces at the minimum level necessary for national security, refrained from nuclear arms race, not provided a nuclear umbrella to others, and not deployed nuclear weapons in other countries. Whether during the Cold War when facing nuclear threats and blackmail, or today, under severe external security threats, China's nuclear policies and strategies have remained highly stable, consistent and predictable, which is a significant contribution to international nuclear disarmament cause.

China has taken a constructive part in the international nuclear arms control endeavor. China actively engages in dialogue and cooperation with other nuclear-weapon States and promoted the conclusion of the Joint Statement of the Leaders of the Five Nuclear-weapon States on Preventing nuclear war and Avoiding Arms Races. China firmly supports the purposes and objectives of the CTBT, adheres to the moratorium on nuclear testing, and supports the development of its monitoring and verification system. China supports the CD in conducting FMCT negotiations with the participation of all key parties on the basis of a comprehensive and balanced programme of work.

Thank you, Mr. Chair.