（January 21, Palais des Nations）
Madam President,
At the outset, let me congratulate you on assuming the first presidency of the 2026 session of the Conference on Disarmament. China appreciates Mongolia's longstanding and significant contributions to international security and disarmament. Thank you for outlining your vision for the presidency; the Chinese delegation will fully support your work. I would also like to take this opportunity to welcome Ambassador Singh of India and all other newly arrived colleagues.
Madam President,
Last year, the Conference on Disarmament achieved a promising start. It adopted a decision on its work for 2025 in the first month and reestablished its subsidiary bodies, leading to substantive and meaningful discussions on various agenda items. However, the subsidiary bodies ultimately failed to adopt their reports, and the UNGA resolution titled “Report of the Conference on Disarmament” was not adopted by consensus at the 80th session of the UN General Assembly. This situation, where initial momentum failed to translate into concrete outcomes, is regrettable. It reflects the deep divisions among member states over priorities and approaches in the disarmament field, as well as the severe geopolitical and international security situation.
Recently, UN Secretary-General António Guterres stated in his briefing on priorities for 2026 that “The context is chaos.” Indeed, today's world is marked by intertwined crises and growing uncertainties. A series of events at the turn of the year further underscores the increasingly complex and severe global security landscape. Hegemony, power politics, and unilateralism are severely undermining the post-war international order, while international law and basic norms in international relations are being willfully trampled upon. These developments have cast a long shadow over the work of the CD this year.
Earlier this month, the United States blatantly launched a large-scale military strike against Venezuela. This act gravely violated the principles of sovereign equality, non-interference in internal affairs, peaceful settlement of international disputes, and the prohibition of the use of force in international relations. China firmly opposes and strongly condemns this action. At the same time, for some time now, the US has blatantly threatened the use of force against sovereign countries like Iran, causing tensions in certain regions to escalate and triggering grave concerns within the international community. Military means are not the solution to problems. The indiscriminate use of force will only lead to greater crises, exacerbate divisions among member states, and undermine the atmosphere necessary for meaningful substantive work in the CD.
Equally concerning is the recent blunt statement by Japan's Prime Minister that a “Taiwan contingency” could constitute a “survival-threatening situation” for Japan, allowing the country to exercise its right of collective self-defense. This was the first time since Japan's defeat in 1945 that its leader had openly expressed ambitions for armed intervention in the Taiwan question, and the first instance of direct military threats against China. The Taiwan question is purely China's internal affair and the core of China's core interests. The remarks made by the Japanese leader gravely violate international law and basic norms of international relations, severely undermine the post-war international order, and constitute a blatant provocation to more than 1.4 billion Chinese people and the peoples of Asian nations that suffered from Japanese aggression. China expresses strong dissatisfaction and resolute opposition to these remarks.
In this regard, it is alarming that in recent years, Japan has persistently breached its “exclusively defense-oriented” policy, removed the ban on exercising the right of collective self-defense, pursued the development of so-called “counterstrike capabilities”, promoted the strengthening of “extended deterrence”, sought to replicate “nuclear sharing” arrangements, and attempted to hollow out its “Three Non-Nuclear Principles”. Signs indicate that Japan's right-wing forces, deeply dissatisfied with the post-war international arrangements, are eager to break free from existing constraints and return to the misguided path of military expansion. Whether Japan can truly uphold the “Three Non-Nuclear Principles” will be the litmus test of its self-proclaimed status as a “peace-loving nation.” All member states of the CD should pay close attention to this matter.
Madam President,
Major-country relations shape the international landscape. The aforementioned negative developments and evolving global dynamics will inevitably have a profound impact on international arms control processes and the work of the CD. As the law of the jungle and “neo-militarism” are on the rise, geopolitical rivalry intensifies, and international arms races continue to escalate, global security governance and international arms control efforts face increasingly severe challenges.
As the only multilateral disarmament negotiation forum that includes all nuclear-weapon states and major military powers among its membership, the CD bears the historic mission of reducing the risk of war, resolving security dilemmas, and promoting world peace. The current situation further underscores both the urgency and the difficulty of revitalizing the CD. It is imperative that member states seek common ground while reserving differences and work together to bring the work of the CD back on track.
First, we must abide by the international rule of law. We must fully, comprehensively, and faithfully adhere to universally recognized basic norms of international relations, including the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. We must follow fundamental principles such as sovereign equality, non-interference in internal affairs, and the prohibition of the use or threat of force in international relations, ensuring the equal and uniform application of international law. If the existing international legal framework cannot be effectively upheld, then negotiating new legal rules would be meaningless.
Second, we must practice true multilateralism. We should engage in full consultations based on mutual respect and mutual benefit, address the root causes of disagreements including procedural issues, strive to find compromise solutions, uphold the principle of consensus, and advance substantive work on all core agenda items of the CD in a comprehensive and balanced manner. This includes nuclear disarmament, prevention of nuclear war, security assurances for non-nuclear-weapon states, and prevention of an arms race in outer space.
Third, we must advocate for common security. We should take into account the legitimate security concerns of all countries, reject a Cold War mentality based on zero-sum games, and abandon national security strategies and military doctrines that prioritize one's own security at the expense of others. Pursuing absolute security or exclusive security offers no viable path; it only undermines global strategic stability, provokes new arms races, and runs counter to the disarmament process.
Fourth, we must stay committed to practical results. We should objectively assess the impact of the external security environment on the work of the CD, set realistic and reasonable goals, fully utilize the CD as a platform for professional discussions, strive to build mutual understanding and trust, and gradually forge consensus. China supports maintaining the continuity of the CD's work and values the progress made in substantive discussions within the subsidiary bodies in recent years. Both differences and consensus can serve as valuable references for the next phase of our work.
Madam President,
Not long ago, after a 20-year hiatus, the Chinese government released the white paper titled China's Arms Control, Disarmament and Non-Proliferation in the New Era. It systematically outlines China's perspective on the current international security and arms control landscape, along with its policy positions covering all core agenda items of the CD. The document comprehensively details China's active efforts and pragmatic measures in the international arms control process. For the first time, it systematically presents China's Arms Control Principles for the New Era, emphasizing the need to uphold fairness and justice, pursue win-win cooperation, strive for comprehensive balance, and focus on practical effectiveness. It advocates strengthening solidarity and cooperation, resolutely upholding the authority, universality, and effectiveness of the international arms control and non-proliferation regime, and advancing the international arms control and non-proliferation process in a rational, pragmatic, and step-by-step manner through approaches acceptable to all parties.
China's policies on arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation in the new era both continue the fundamental principles and policy positions China has consistently upheld, and embody major concepts and proposals put forward by China, such as building a community with a shared future for mankind and the Global Security Initiative. They once again contribute Chinese wisdom and solutions to tackling a changing world and resolving security dilemmas. We are willing to uphold these concepts and principles, work closely with all member states of the CD, and help overcome the current dilemma facing the Conference, thereby making our due contribution to maintaining global strategic stability and advancing the multilateral arms control process.
I thank you, Madam President.